主题：【原创】炮打工业党：《论工业社会及其未来》 -- 万年看客

192. But the way to discourage ethnic conflict is NOT through militant advocacy of minority rights (see paragraphs 21, 29). Instead, the revolutionaries should emphasize that although minorities do suffer more or less disadvantage, this disadvantage is of peripheral significance. Our real enemy is the industrial-technological system, and in the struggle against the system, ethnic distinctions are of no importance.

192，但是阻止民族冲突的方法不是激进地主张少数民族的权利（参见21，29段）。相反，革命者应该强调指出，虽然少数民族确实或多或少地处于不利地位，但这种不利地位是无关紧要的。我们的真正敌人是工业—技术体系，而在反对这一体系的斗争中，民族的区别并不重要.

193. The kind of revolution we have in mind will not necessarily involve an armed uprising against any government. It may or may not involve physical violence, but it will not be a POLITICAL revolution. Its focus will be on technology and economics, not politics. [32]

193，我们想像的这种革命并不一定非要牵涉一场反对任何政府的武装起义。它可能牵涉也可能不牵涉到暴力，但它将不是一场政治革命。它的焦点是技术和经济，不是政治。[32]

[32]. (Paragraph 193) It is even conceivable (remotely) that the revolution might consist only of a massive change of attitudes toward technology resulting in a relatively gradual and painless disintegration of the industrial system. But if this happens we'll be very lucky. It's far more probably that the transition to a nontechnological society will be very difficult and full of conflicts and disasters.

【32】（第193段）我们甚至可以（远期）想像，革命仅仅由对于技术的态度发生的巨大转变构成，从而导致工业体系相对渐进且无痛苦的解体。但如果真是这样我们可谓非常幸运。更为可能的情况是向非技术社会的过渡将会十分痛苦，充满了冲突和灾难。

194. Probably the revolutionaries should even AVOID assuming political power, whether by legal or illegal means, until the industrial system is stressed to the danger point and has proved itself to be a failure in the eyes of most people. Suppose for example that some "green" party should win control of the United States Congress in an election. In order to avoid betraying or watering down their own ideology they would have to take vigorous measures to turn economic growth into economic shrinkage. To the average man the results would appear disastrous: There would be massive unemployment, shortages of commodities, etc. Even if the grosser ill effects could be avoided through superhumanly skillful management, still people would have to begin giving up the luxuries to which they have become addicted. Dissatisfaction would grow, the "green" party would be voted out of of fice and the revolutionaries would have suffered a severe setback. For this reason the revolutionaries should not try to acquire political power until the system has gotten itself into such a mess that any hardships will be seen as resulting from the failures of the industrial system itself and not from the policies of the revolutionaries. The revolution against technology will probably have to be a revolution by outsiders, a revolution from below and not from above.

194，很可能革命者甚至应当回避承担政治权力，无论是合法的还是不合法的，直到工业体系被压迫到了危险点，并在大多数人民眼中证实了自己的失败。例如，设想某个绿党在选举中赢得了对于美国国会的控制。为了避免背叛自己的意识形态或将其打折扣，他们就必须采取强有力措施将经济增长转变为经济缩减。在一般人看来，其结果会是灾难性的：大量失业，商品短缺，等等。即使能够通过超人般的管理而避免更为恶劣的影响，人们还是要放弃他们已经上了瘾的奢侈品。不满会增长，绿党会在选举中失败，而革命者会遭受一次严重的挫折。由于这个原因，革命者不应试图去获取政治权力，直至体制陷入严重的困境，直至人们把任何困难都看作是工业体系自身的失败而不是革命者政策的结果。反对技术的革命多半会是一场由外人发动的革命.一场自下而上的革命。

195. The revolution must be international and worldwide. It cannot be carried out on a nation-by-nation basis. Whenever it is suggested that the United States, for example, should cut back on technological progress or economic growth, people get hysterical and start screaming that if we fall behind in technology the Japanese will get ahead of us. Holy robots The world will fly off its orbit if the Japanese ever sell more cars than we do! (Nationalism is a great promoter of technology.) More reasonably, it is argued that if the relatively democratic nations of the world fall behind in technology while nasty, dictatorial nations like China, Vietnam and North Korea continue to progress, eventually the dictators may come to dominate the world. That is why the industrial system should be attacked in all nations simultaneously, to the extent that this may be possible. True, there is no assurance that the industrial system can be destroyed at approximately the same time all over the world, and it is even conceivable that the attempt to overthrow the system could lead instead to the domination of the system by dictators. That is a risk that has to be taken. And it is worth taking, since the difference between a "democratic" industrial system and one controlled by dictators is small compared with the difference between an industrial system and a non-industrial one. [33] It might even be argued that an industrial system controlled by dictators would be preferable, because dictator-controlled systems usually have proved inefficient, hence they are presumably more likely to break down. Look at Cuba.

195，这场革命必须在国际与世界范围内同步进行，不能一个国家一个国家地进行。无论什么时候，如果有国家——例如美国——提出要减慢技术进步或经济增长的速度，人们就会歇斯底里并开始大叫大嚷。如果我们在技术上落到日本后面，日本就会超过我们。机器人在上啊！要是日本卖汽车总是比我们多，这地球就会飞出轨道！（民族主义是技术的强大促进力量）更为理性的反对意见是，如果相对民主的国家在技术上落在了邪恶独裁的国家如中国、越南和北朝鲜后面，那么那些独裁者最终将有可能主宰世界。这就是为什么要尽可能同时在所有的国家对工业体系发动总攻击。确实，我们无法确保几乎同时摧毁世界范围内的工业体系，甚至可以想像推翻体系的企图反而会导致独裁者主宰体系。但我们必须冒这个险。这个险也值得冒：比工业体系与非工业体系之间的差别来，“民主”的工业体系与独裁的工业体系之间的差别是很小的。【33】甚至可以认为，独裁的工业体系更好，因为独裁的工业体系往往没有效率，因而也更容易崩溃。看看古巴就好了。

[33]. (Paragraph 195) The economic and technological structure of a society are far more important than its political structure in determining the way the average man lives (see paragraphs 95, 119 and Notes 16, 18).

【33】（第195段）一个社会的经济与技术结构在决定一般人的生活方式方面远比政治结构更加重要（见第95、119段以及附注16、18）

196. Revolutionaries might consider favoring measures that tend to bind the world economy into a unified whole. Free trade agreements like NAFTA and GATT are probably harmful to the environment in the short run, but in the long run they may perhaps be advantageous because they foster economic interdependence between nations. I will be eaier to destroy the industrial system on a worldwide basis if he world economy is so unified that its breakdown in any on major nation will lead to its breakdwon in all industrialized nations. In the long run they may perhaps be advantageous because they foster economic interdependence between nations. It will be easier to destroy the industrial system on a worldwide basis if the world economy is so unified that its breakdown in any one major nation will lead to its breakdown in all industrialized nations.

196，革命者也可以考虑支持促使世界经济一体化的措施。自由贸易协定，如北美自由贸易区和关贸总协定，从短期看对环境有害，但从长期看也许是有利的。因为它们促进了国与国之间相互的经济依赖。如果世界经济一体化到了任何一个主要国家的经济崩溃会导致所有工业化国家经济崩溃的程度，那么在全世界范围内摧毁工业体系就变得容易了。

197. Some people take the line that modern man has too much power, too much control over nature; they argue for a more passive attitude on the part of the human race. At best these people are expressing themselves unclearly, because they fail to distinguish between power for LARGE ORGANIZATIONS and power for INDIVIDUALS and SMALL GROUPS. It is a mistake to argue for powerlessness and passivity, because people NEED power. Modern man as a collective entity--that is, the industrial system--has immense power over nature, and we (FC) regard this as evil. But modern INDIVIDUALS and SMALL GROUPS OF INDIVIDUALS have far less power than primitive man ever did. Generally speaking, the vast power of "modern man" over nature is exercised not by individuals or small groups but by large organizations. To the extent that the average modern INDIVIDUAL can wield the power of technology, he is permitted to do so only within narrow limits and only under the supervision and control of the system. (You need a license for everything and with the license come rules and regulations). The individual has only those technological powers with which the system chooses to provide him. His PERSONAL power over nature is slight.

197，有些人认为现代人的权力过大，对自然控制过多，他们主张人类应采取更为消极一些的态度。往好里说这些人并未清楚表明自己的意见，因为他们未能区分大型组织的权力与个人和小群体的权力。主张放权与消极是错误的，因为人们需要权力。现代人作为一个集合的实体——即工业体系——具有凌驾自然之上的巨大权力，而我们（FC）将此看作邪恶。但是，现代个人以及个人组成的小群体的权力比原始人小得多。一般说来，“现代人”在自然之上的巨大权力不是由个人或小群体行使的，而是由大组织行使的。即使一般现代个人能够使用技术的力量，也要受到极大限制并且处在体系的监视和控制之下（干什么都得要许可证，而有证就有规章制度）。个人只能拥有体系选择给他的技术力量。他个人在自然之上的权力是很小的

198. Primitive INDIVIDUALS and SMALL GROUPS actually had considerable power over nature; or maybe it would be better to say power WITHIN nature. When primitive man needed food he knew how to find and prepare edible roots, how to track game and take it with homemade weapons. He knew how to protect himself from heat, cold, rain, dangerous animals, etc. But primitive man did relatively little damage to nature because the COLLECTIVE power of primitive society was negligible compared to the COLLECTIVE power of industrial society.

198.原始的个人和小群体实际上有着相当大的凌驾于自然之上的权力；或更为准确地说是拥有存在于自然之内的权力。当原始人需要食物时，他知道如何去寻找和调理可食用的根，知道如何跟踪猎物并用自制的武器猎获它。他知道如何保护自己不受热、冷、雨、野兽等的侵害。但是原始人相对来说很少破坏自然，因为原始社会的集体权力与工业化社会的集体权力相比是微不足道的。

199. Instead of arguing for powerlessness and passivity, one should argue that the power of the INDUSTRIAL SYSTEM should be broken, and that this will greatly INCREASE the power and freedom of INDIVIDUALS and SMALL GROUPS.

199.我们不应主张无力或消极，我们应主张打破工业体系的权力，而这将大大增加个人和小群体的权力和自由

200. Until the industrial system has been thoroughly wrecked, the destruction of that system must be the revolutionaries' ONLY goal. Other goals would distract attention and energy from the main goal. More importantly, if the revolutionaries permit themselves to have any other goal than the destruction of technology, they will be tempted to use technology as a tool for reaching that other goal. If they give in to that temptation, they will fall right back into the technological trap, because modern technology is a unified, tightly organized system, so that, in order to retain SOME technology, one finds oneself obliged to retain MOST technology, hence one ends up sacrificing only token amounts of technology.

200，在工业体系被彻底破坏之前，摧毁这一体系必须成为革命者的唯一目标。其他目标将会分散注意力和精力。更重要的的是，如果革命者允许自己既有摧毁技术之外的任何其他目标，他们就会受不住诱惑而把技术用作实现其他目标的工具。如果他们不能抵御这种诱惑，就会正中下怀地落入技术的陷阱，因为现代技术是统一紧密地组织起来的系统，所以，要保留某些技术，就必须保留绝大部分技术，因而最后也就只能象征性地牺牲掉一点技术

201. Suppose for example that the revolutionaries took "social justice" as a goal. Human nature being what it is, social justice would not come about spontaneously; it would have to be enforced. In order to enforce it the revolutionaries would have to retain central organization and control. For that they would need rapid long-distance transportation and communication, and therefore all the technology needed to support the transportation and communication systems. To feed and clothe poor people they would have to use agricultural and manufacturing technology. And so forth. So that the attempt to insure social justice would force them to retain most parts of the technological system. Not that we have anything against social justice, but it must not be allowed to interfere with the effort to get rid of the technological system.

201，假设革命者将社会正义作为一个目标。人性就是人性。社会正义不会自发实现，必须强制执行。为了强制执行社会正义，革命者就不得不保留中央组织和控制。为此，他们又会需要快速长距离运输与通讯，因而也需要所有支持运输和通讯系统的技术。为了让穷人吃饱穿暖，他就不得不使用农业和制造业技术，等等。因此。保障社会正义的企图会迫使他们保留绝大部分技术。我们并不反对社会正义，我们只是认为不应允许它干扰我们推翻技术体系的努力。

202. It would be hopeless for revolutionaries to try to attack the system without using SOME modern technology. If nothing else they must use the communications media to spread their message. But they should use modern technology for only ONE purpose: to attack the technological system.

202，革命者要攻击体系就必须使用某些技术，否则就没有成功的希望，他们至少必须使用传媒来传播他们的思想。但他们应当只将现代技术用于一个目的，那就是攻击技术体系

203. Imagine an alcoholic sitting with a barrel of wine in front of him. Suppose he starts saying to himself, "Wine isn't bad for you if used in moderation. Why, they say small amounts of wine are even good for you! It won't do me any harm if I take just one little drink..." Well you know what is going to happen. Never forget that the human race with technology is just like an alcoholic with a barrel of wine.

203，想像酒鬼坐在一桶酒前面。假设他开始对自己说：“喝酒只要不过量就没有坏处。嘿，他们说稍喝一点甚至有好处。如果我只喝一小口，这决不会有什么害处。”你当然知道接下来会发生什么事。不要忘记人类和技术在一起恰恰就像酒鬼和一桶酒在一起

204. Revolutionaries should have as many children as they can. There is strong scientific evidence that social attitudes are to a significant extent inherited. No one suggests that a social attitude is a direct outcome of a person's genetic constitution, but it appears that personality traits tend, within the context of our society, to make a person more likely to hold this or that social attitude. Objections to these findings have been raised, but objections are feeble and seem to be ideologically motivated. In any event, no one denies that children tend on the average to hold social attitudes similar to those of their parents. From our point of view it doesn't matter all that much whether the attitudes are passed on genetically or through childhood training. In either case the ARE passed on.

204，革命者应尽量多生孩子。有相当切实可信的科学证据表明，对于社会的观点在很大程度上会遗传。这并不是说某种社会观点是一个人的遗传构造的直接结果，但在我们的社会背景下，似乎是人格特性决定了一个人更可能持有这种或那种社会观点。对于这些发现的反对意见很多，但这些反对意见往往站不住脚，而且多半是出于意识形态的动机。不管怎样，没有人能够否认，一般说来孩子持有的社会观点与其父母类似。从我们的观点看，究竟观点是通过遗传还是通过幼时训练传承关系其实并不大。反正它们是传承的。

205. The trouble is that many of the people who are inclined to rebel against the industrial system are also concerned about the population problems, hence they are apt to have few or no children. In this way they may be handing the world over to the sort of people who support or at least accept the industrial system. To insure the strength of the next generation of revolutionaries the present generation must reproduce itself abundantly. In doing so they will be worsening the population problem only slightly. And the most important problem is to get rid of the industrial system, because once the industrial system is gone the world's population necessarily will decrease (see paragraph 167); whereas, if the industrial system survives, it will continue developing new techniques of food production that may enable the world's population to keep increasing almost indefinitely.

205，问题在于许多赞同反叛工业体系的人们也十分担忧人口问题，因此他们往往只要数量很少的孩子或不要孩子。这样他们就把世界拱手让给了那些支持或至少是接受工业体系的人们。为了确保下一代革命者的力量，这一代革命者必须大量繁殖后代。他们这样做也许会稍稍加重人口问题。然而最重要的是推翻工业体系，因为一旦工业体系没有了，世界人口必然会减少（参见167段）。而如果工业体系幸存下来，它就会继续发展粮食生产技术，使世界人口几乎是无限地增长下去

206. With regard to revolutionary strategy, the only points on which we absolutely insist are that the single overriding goal must be the elimination of modern technology, and that no other goal can be allowed to compete with this one. For the rest, revolutionaries should take an empirical approach. If experience indicates that some of the recommendations made in the foregoing paragraphs are not going to give good results, then those recommendations should be discarded.

206，关于革命的战略，我们绝对坚持一点：压倒一切的首要目标是消灭现代技术，任何其他目标都不允许与这个目标竞争。至于其他方面，革命者可以依据经验决定采取具体方法。如果经验表明，某些我们在前面段落推荐的方法效果不佳，那么这些方法就应被弃置一旁。