主题：【整理】新一战史 -- 普罗丁

2. This narrowness is reflected in the ancient worship of Nature, and in the other elements of the popular religions. The religious reflex of the real world can, in any case, only then finally vanish, when the practical relations of every-day life offer to man none but perfectly intelligible and reasonable relations with regard to his fellowmen and to Nature.（大同小异）

3. Political Economy has indeed analysed, however incompletely, value and its magnitude, and has discovered what lies beneath these forms. But it has never once asked the question why labour is represented by the value of its product and labour-time by the magnitude of that value. These formulae, which bear it stamped upon them in unmistakable letters that they belong to a state of society, in which the process of production has the mastery over man, instead of being controlled by him, such formulae appear to the bourgeois intellect to be as much a self-evident necessity imposed by Nature as productive labour itself. Hence forms of social production that preceded the bourgeois form, are treated by the bourgeoisie in much the same way as the Fathers of the Church treated pre-Christian religions.（表面上看，这一段和宗教没有直接的关系。但是深入解读就会发现，马克思在这里把经济的发展和宗教的发展视为同时进行的过程，甚至是一种动态的两面。古代的“基督教教父”们如何对待原始宗教，则新生的资产阶级也必将如何对待原始的那种生产模式。在这个方面，政治经济学不打算追问“为什么”，因为它很可能就是代表具有先进性的资产阶级的立场的！）

4. In the Danubian Principalities the corvée was mixed up with rents in kind and other appurtenances of bondage, but it formed the most important tribute paid to the ruling class. Where this was the case, the corvée rarely arose from serfdom; serfdom much more frequently on the other hand took origin from the corvée. This is what took place in the Roumanian provinces. Their original mode of production was based on community of the soil, but not in the Slavonic or Indian form. Part of the land was cultivated in severally as freehold by the members of the community, another part — ager publicus — was cultivated by them in common. The products of this common labour served partly as a reserve fund against bad harvests and other accidents, partly as a public store for providing the costs of war, religion,and other common expenses.(这里的“宗教”似乎不是信仰，而是需要支付一定费用的宗教仪式。但是，宗教仪式同样和信仰密切相关。而且，在类似于中国的“公田”中耕种和生产物品，以提供不时之需，这恰恰反映了一种生产组织模式和相关的公共信仰模式。在这里，马克思把罗马尼亚、斯洛伐克和印度三地的农业经营进行了类比，虽然没有提供直接的详细的考察报告，但是显然暗示三者的乡村组织模式（中欧与印度）具有相似的特征。而且这种相似的特征与他们的宗教活动受到乡村势力和经济地位的支配有直接关系。）

5. That for master bakers to induce their workmen, by the fear of losing employment, to violate their religious convictions and their better feelings, to disobey the laws of the land, and to disregard public opinion (this all refers to Sunday labour), is calculated to provoke ill-feeling between workmen and masters, ... and affords an example dangerous to religion, morality, and social order.... The Committee believe that any constant work beyond 12 hours a-day encroaches on the domestic and private life of the working-man, and so leads to disastrous moral results, interfering with each man's home, and the discharge of his family duties as a son, a brother, a husband, a father.（这一段就算不是直接描述犹太人，也是在分析犹太传统下的工作特征。中欧地区的此类工人在老板和经济的双重压力下往往背离宗教原则，马克思肯定地说，这是非常危险的现象。这既可能导致我们在俾斯麦和威廉那里看到的罢工纠纷，也可能导致利奥13世所观察和忧虑的家庭关系的崩解。）

6. Soon after this the June insurrection in Paris and its bloody suppression united, in England as on the Continent, all fractions of the ruling classes, landlords and capitalists, stock-exchange wolves and shop-keepers, Protectionists and Freetraders, government and opposition, priests and free thinkers, young whores and old nuns, under the common cry for the salvation of Property, Religion, the Family and Society.（在暴动和血腥斗争中，“上层”尤其是资产阶级联合起来，变成一股反对穷人的力量。宗教是他们的口号之一，家庭是另一个口号。）

7. It is a strange proof of the general neglect of the morals and health of the children of the working-class, that this report lay unnoticed for 20 years, during which the children, 'bred up without the remotest sign of comprehension as to what is meant by the term morals, who had neither knowledge, nor religion, nor natural affection,' were allowed to become the parents of the present generation.（失去教育的工人阶级，他们已经培养出自己的不在乎道德的子女。希特勒有过非常类似的观察。）

8. Technology discloses man's mode of dealing with Nature, the process of production by which he sustains his life, and thereby also lays bare the mode of formation of his social relations, and of the mental conceptions that flow from them. Every history of religion, even that fails to take account of this material basis, is uncritical. It is, in reality, much easier to discover by analysis the earthly core of the misty creations of religion, than, conversely, it is, to develop from the actual relations of life the corresponding celestialised forms of those relations.（“冰冷的新技术”使工人们更加清楚了自己的处境和人生位置。他们不再容易相信宗教教科书的道理，而倾向于认定那些标准不过是世俗价值的反映。）

在以上的直接讨论宗教的文字中，马克思显然提出了两种看似有些矛盾的观察结论。其一，他发现也认定现代宗教或者新教是一种扫除了迷雾和愚昧的先进宗教，它必然在新兴的资产阶级身上生根发芽；另一方面，一种阵痛（第二段之前有一个专门的讨论）又在此类转型中反复地上演着，它导致道德的堕落甚至遗传，导致新型经济中两种同样具有革新性的阶级的对立。恶性事件的反复发生显然是人们迷茫，但在马克思看来，这似乎和中欧和东方世界所一直坚持的传统信仰的性质有关。在中欧的罗马尼亚和斯洛伐克，宗教仪式似乎不过是维持地方秩序和体现权威价值的方式（对于这个主题，马克思给予了特殊关注，我们后边应该还会涉及）；在中欧和东欧广大的犹太人世界中，星期日休息的神圣制度似乎如此容易因为老板（可能同样是犹太人）的劝说和另类解释而放弃，因为他们的核心价值是家庭；在印度，原始的土地关系和他们具有权威的婆罗门阶层的宗教地位是一体的。

总之，马克思似乎看出了整个中东方世界的一种共同的“本质的世俗化”，也就是那种普遍具有欺骗和虚伪性质的宗教。虽然他对于中国的分析还达不到这种深入程度（他掌握的具体的中国资料有限，也没有亲临中国），但是结合前边他和列宁对于东方世界亚细亚模式的普遍重视和反感，我认为有理由作出结论，马克思实际上把一大类文化和信仰特征，尤其是欧洲和世界的资本主义实践中产生的大量具体问题，都归结到一个共同的“东方”源头的身上。在他这里，不管是犹太人也好，印度人也好，罗马尼亚人也好，中国人也好，日本人也好，甚至德国人也好，“东方亚细亚”的暗影是无所不在的。

所以，在宗教领域（至少），东方意味着反动和虚伪，与要求精确和细致的资本主义精神格格不入。而且，这不是马克思个人的看法，从当时欧洲对于犹太主义的普遍敌对，甚至从犹太人自己对于拯救民族性格的迫切追求（通过锡安主义）中，从前边欧洲和美洲世界对于黄祸的认可和反感中，我们不难得出一种普遍的情绪和认识：这一切都是两种对立的倾向和价值的尖锐斗争，斗争的一方是东方，和代表东方文化的中国以及汉民族。

但是，假如这真的是事实，当时的巴尔干半岛究竟发生了什么呢？

毕竟，那才是一切动乱和恐怖的真正爆发之处。

* * *

时间来到1910年。有两个人，此时应该出场了。

一个叫卢格，一个叫希特勒。