五千年(敝帚自珍)

主题:苛政猛于虎:环保大跃进+清理低端人口 -- 海峰

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                • 家园 南海造岛和亚投行是今上任期所为,不过上合收录印度的败笔

                  也是今上

                • 家园 今年的GDP增长率是6.9%,全球主要经济体最高

                  印度被你吃了?

                  • 家园 首先印度恐怕算不了主要经济体

                    我们一般讲世界主要经济体主要是指美国、欧洲、日本和中国,印度以约中国五分之一的规模,不算主要;

                    其次,印度经济增速有很大的功劳要归功于统计方法,你大概没听说过牛粪GDP吧,在印度牛粪是计入GDP的,全世界这样的GDP也是独一份。

                • 家园 等等……你的证据就是:我问过

                  你问过,我也问过啊。按谁问过的为准?

                  关于国企只说一句,国企一卖了之正是在胡温时期被叫停,教改,医改也是被当成教训提出。现在教改、医改又重新启动,嗯,当然你是高端人士,这些都不用太在意的。

                  汪洋突然又变成蟹帝的人,嗯,是蟹帝把他弄进这届常委的?

                  经济增长率什么的就不要拿出来比了好不好,不觉得丢人吗?要好好学习权威人士的讲话啊,什么叫新常态,什么叫L,你可真别活在自己的梦里了。

                  还有这个小强,被你开除出这届班子了是吧,行,你说什么就是什么。反正刘跨越不是也被你开除出上届政府了吗?见过键盘政治局,第一次看到键盘组织部。

                  好,再借你的手抽一下你自己的脸。温的问题这么大,反腐力度这么大,温被反了吗?潘仁美被反了吗?金融环保反了几个?卫生教育反了几个?嗯,大概绝大部分都是白莲花。

                  最后说下自干五,这里要为自干五说几句,有句话叫做“群众的眼睛是雪亮的”,这可不是什么你问过,我问过,而是实实在在发生的历史事件,正是因为党的路线人民拥护人民认同人民受益,才会出现人民自发的拥护政府。

                  所以,不要有唯上的奴才心态,要实事求是。

                  通宝推:酒剑仙人,
                  • 家园 我想国家的最高利益是安全

                    日本打进来,近三千万人死亡,男被杀女被奸,儿童老人都不放过,731解剥活人,用中国人做细菌实验,毒气实验;中国人是原木,比狗都不如;被掠夺和毁灭的财富,日本人几辈子也赔不起。这惨状离现在也就70年。

                    社会腐败,军队也不是净土。那些正直能干,真正能打仗的军人能不被逆向淘汰下去吗?那些花几十万几百万买来的师长,军长,花几千万买来的司令政委,能保证国家安全?他们的钱是从哪里来的?付出了成本要不要收回?整天研究腐败之道,有时间关心训练军队?关心军队的时候,估计是关心怎么从军队弄到钱。日本人能不能用10万,100万美元,1000万美元收买他?

                    发展快慢,也就是好和更好的区别;如果军队继续腐败下去,那就是生与死的区别。发展得再好,和宋朝一样,就是别人眼里的一口大肥猪。

                    通宝推:侧翼,
                    • 家园 军队的事嘛

                      说实话,我了解得不多,军改的是非成败说不好。

                      闲聊两点吧,首先吧,古代军队和现代军队不同,古人云,文官不爱钱,武官不怕死。这里呢,抛开互文之类的修辞手法,可理解为武官贪点没关系,但战场上不能怕死,文官嘛得清廉,不过可以怕死,毕竟文人。

                      其次呢,检验军队改革的成败,最后得看仗打得怎么样,这得真刀真枪的干啊。如果对外总是缩卵,不敢维护国家的利益,那么改不改不就那么回事,反正够镇压上访群众就够了。

                      这里可以说个标准嘛,如果他老习能收回台湾,我从此就不说他一句坏话。检验一下呗。

                      • 家园 军事我也了解不多

                        甚至习总我想也不是专业的。甚至整顿过后,结构变动导致暂时战斗力下降也有可能。整顿的目标应该是清除腐败,创造一个让能打仗的人上来的政治环境,这是他的责任。军队腐败最大的问题不是打胜打败,而是打败的下不去,打胜的人上不来,腐败会卡住这个机制。清除腐败是为了让敢打,能打的人上来。但是战争是多方位因素决定的,习总改变的是军队的政治环境,他一个人决定不了胜负。我们国家大,这一条就可以确保我们反侵略战争的胜利。去年南海对抗,舰队云集,海军高层全部到场,大战有发生的可能。后来美军遁走,这可以一小部分归因于军改吧。

                        历史上,汉族的战斗力一直在牛逼和怂逼之间徘徊。同样是这群人,为啥有这样大的区别?政治清明,战斗力牛逼;政治腐败,战斗力怂逼。战斗力最弱的宋朝,甚至把自己最能战斗的将领岳飞判处死刑,这是政治腐败到极点的表现。国民党军队,见到美国军队,不用打就腿软;而战斗力最强的新中国,可以打败技术上比自己先进一代的美军。同样一批人,为什么差距这么大?这就是政治清明,战斗力就能爆表。

                      • 家园 军改大失血

                        赶走无数技术干部,5年内缓不过来

                        至于五年后,就这么乱搞,到时候有没有钱都是问题,说不定正忙着裁军要忍耐呢

                        你还指望打台湾,那真是中国梦

          • 家园 包子帝比隋炀帝多点自知之明

            隋炀帝征伐高句丽,结果导致战败导致亡国。

            包子帝比隋炀帝多点自知之明,印度军队进入中国,坚持当缩头乌龟不抵抗,避免了战败的悲惨命运。

            包子帝比隋炀帝多点自知之明

          • 家园 大家妙语连珠,你这个,还有老广的那个网监"QA"说

            有了主席推行思想解放之壮举,国人民智已开,思想解放。想为蠢行辩护?现在既骗不了人心,也挡不住人嘴的双关妙语。

      • 家园 新乡日报的报道,可以看看照片,到了阿勒颇了

        https://mobile.nytimes.com/2017/11/30/world/asia/china-beijing-migrants.html?rref=collection%2Fsectioncollection%2Fasia&action=click&contentCollection=asia&region=stream&module=stream_unit&version=latest&contentPlacement=4&pgtype=sectionfront&referer=

        • 家园 链接

          链接

          点看全图

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          点看全图

          通宝推:普鲁托,
            • 家园 如下

              Why Parts of Beijing Look Like a Devastated War Zone

              2

              By CHRIS BUCKLEY

              November 30, 2017

              Vast swaths of Daxing, a district in southern Beijing, are reminiscent of war zones, with entire city blocks demolished.

              Bryan Denton for The New York Times

              BEIJING — At night on the edges of Beijing, the migrant workers who keep China’s capital city fed, cleaned, swept and supplied wait in fear of a knock on the door that could ruin their hopes of finding a better life.

              Far from the skyscrapers and monuments downtown, squads of police and safety inspectors have been scouring the city’s sprawling outer neighborhoods crowded with laborers from poor rural China. Those living or working in buildings deemed to be dangerous or illegal are ordered to vacate, sometimes with just a few hours’ notice, before homes, shops and even whole factories are demolished.

              Tens of thousands have already been uprooted in the city’s most aggressive drive against migrant neighborhoods that people can recall; many more migrants are wondering how much longer they can remain in their homes, or even in Beijing.

              The city government says they are being pushed out for their own safety, after a recent deadly fire in a migrant settlement. But many migrants say the government is using the fire as an excuse to ramp up efforts to drive them out and ease pressures in a city whose population has already soared beyond 20 million people.

              “Suddenly in one night my livelihood was destroyed, as if I’d been attacked by bandits, but this was done by the government saying they care for us,” said Zhang Guixin, a 38-year-old woman from the central Chinese province of Henan whose fruit and vegetable stall was demolished.

              “I’ve never seen anything like this in eight years in Beijing, nothing,” Ms. Zhang said, standing beside the flattened remnants of her stall in Xinjian Village, a migrant neighborhood in southern Beijing where the clearance has so far been most intense. “Beijing doesn’t want us. We’ll have to go back to our village.”

              Daxing’s streets have the feel of an urban area destroyed by conflict. The ground vibrates as large construction vehicles outfitted for demolition work roll down abandoned streets.

              Bryan Denton for The New York Times

              A manager of a clothing factory and showroom looked on as workers loaded up trucks with goods after residents in the Daxing district were told that they had days to leave the area, which is slated to be demolished by the government for unknown future projects.

              Bryan Denton for The New York Times

              A building in the Daxing district was demolished on Tuesday.

              Bryan Denton for The New York Times

              The expulsions have been in jarring contrast to the vision that China’s president, Xi Jinping, laid out in October when he won a second term as Communist Party leader and vowed to build a prosperous society of equals. The drive against the settlements has left migrants abruptly homeless in midwinter and asking why leaders of the party founded to represent the poor laboring masses have turned so harshly on them.

              “Xi Jinping is from our home,” said Dang Hui’e, a migrant from the northwestern province of Shaanxi, where Mr. Xi spent part of his youth. Ms. Dang said she was ordered to move out of her apartment with three days’ notice while caring for her 9-month-old baby.

              “Does this country have any laws?” she said. “The law is laid down by you, you’re the president, so what’s the good of the laws that you lay down?”

              Xinjian Village was teeming with migrant workers and their children until two weeks ago. Now half the area is a field of rubble and debris from demolished buildings, and the other half is nearly empty and waiting for the wrecking crews. Remaining inhabitants packed their belongings into suitcases and boxes.

              In the buildings they had vacated, bowls of half-eaten instant noodles and abandoned toys testified to lives suddenly disrupted.

              “It’s happened so quickly, it’s hard to believe that this was my home,” said Wang Guowei, a migrant in his 20s from Henan who was dragging a suitcase along a street strewn with trash and rubble. He said he had found a new room in Beijing with the help of his employer, a car parts maker.

              Residents of an apartment block in southeastern Beijing, who were given just 48 hours to vacate, walked en masse to the local government office to demand that their rent be reimbursed.

              Bryan Denton for The New York Times

              An elderly man packed up his belongings as he and his wife prepared to leave their home in Beijing’s Daxing district.

              Bryan Denton for The New York Times

              Security guards stopped bystanders from approaching the demolition of a small factory in the Daxing district of southern Beijing on Tuesday.

              Bryan Denton for The New York Times

              “I’m not sure how long I can stay,” he said. “Nobody is sure how long we can stay anywhere.”

              A similar scene is being played out in dozens of migrant neighborhoods across the city. Migrants said they felt as if they were being treated as pests by Beijing, which already excludes them from the education, health care and housing benefits provided to locals with permanent resident permits.

              “We’re all Chinese, this is our capital too, the people’s capital,” said Shi Yongxiang, a ruddy middle-aged cleaner from northwest China living near Banbidian, a village on Beijing’s northeastern edge that is home for thousands of migrants.

              “How can Beijing get by without migrant workers?” Mr. Shi asked as two curbside vegetable hawkers nodded in sympathy. “We do every job that the locals won’t do.”

              The migrants tend to live on the edge of Beijing in stretches of three-, four- and five-story apartment buildings that are often cramped, but not dilapidated. The streets hum with activity from supermarkets, cheap diners, hairdressers and cellphone stores.

              Local officials have tolerated, inspected and taxed these buildings for years until the current crackdown, when they suddenly declared them illegal for being fire hazards, or for lacking permits.

              “They never said it was illegal when it was built, or when they came to inspect it, or when we paid our deposits, but now we’re being told to move without any say,” said Luo Haigang, a 42-year-old driver from central China who was scrambling to vacate his one-room apartment after being given two days’ notice.

              Workers watched as equipment was removed from their factory, which was ordered demolished.

              Bryan Denton for The New York Times

              A modern development was visible through the remains of an older building being demolished near the Fourth Ring Road in southeast Beijing, where residents of older apartment blocks, many of them blue-collar workers and migrant laborers, are being evicted on short notice by the Beijing government.

              Bryan Denton for The New York Times

              Cars jammed a driveway as residents of an apartment complex in Beijing who were given just 48 hours to leave their homes scrambled Thursday to move their belongings.

              Bryan Denton for The New York Times

              The Beijing government has said the clearances were urgently justified by a fire in a migrant worker apartment in Xinjian Village that killed 19 people, including 17 from other parts of China. After that, officials hastily listed 25,395 safety hazards across the city, and said they had to act fast “to prevent the tragedy recurring.” The city party secretary, Cai Qi, ordered a 40-day clearance campaign to rid the city of safety hazards in migrant neighborhoods.

              “Starting from today, demolish what can be demolished, don’t wait until tomorrow,” Wang Xianyong, a district official in southern Beijing, said in a speech to officials that leaked onto the internet. “If it’s demolished today, then won’t you be able to get a good night’s sleep?”

              Initially, city leaders ignored the complaints from the displaced migrants. But as images of expelled workers dragging their belongings along streets on freezing winter nights appeared on social media, they ignited an unusually strong public backlash. Even some state-run news outlets have chimed in to criticize the rushed demolitions.

              “They are people of flesh and blood, the grass-roots laborers who keep Beijing, this huge city, running normally, and they deserve the respect and understanding of every one of us,” said a commentary on the website of China’s main state broadcaster, CCTV.

              Charity groups have also sprung up to help displaced workers.

              The images of homeless workers “made me think of those scenes from movies of Jews being expelled without anyone saying a word,” said Liu Bowen, a 35-year-old professional photographer in Beijing who helped set up a service to find housing for displaced migrants. “I thought we should speak up.”

              A scavenger looked through debris from demolished buildings in Beijing on Tuesday.

              Bryan Denton for The New York Times

              In essays and petitions, critics of the campaign accuse Beijing of seizing on the fire as an excuse to accelerate expulsions that have until now failed to slow the city’s growth.

              “The bodies of the dead were not cold, and yet some people in this fine capital cracked the whip to expel the ‘low-end population,’” said one of the petitions.

              City officials denied calling the rural laborers a “low-end” group, and suggested critics were trying to stir up social divisions.

              But the city government has also spent years trying to reduce Beijing’s population of low-income migrants, using demolitions and sweeping inspections of residency documents to force them out. They have warned that Beijing was overstrained by a population explosion that has sent its population soaring from 10.9 million in 1990 to almost 22 million in 2016.

              Of last year’s figure, 8.1 million were migrants from other parts of China — mostly menial laborers but also white-collar workers, some of whom have also been displaced by the recent removals.

              The campaign intensified in 2014, when President Xi demanded that Beijing deal with its bloated population. The city snapped into action, moving factories, schools and markets out of the city to force low-paid migrants to leave.

              Beijing has set a goal of limiting its population to 23 million residents by 2020, while also making room to attract more higher-paid, university-educated professionals.

              Despite such efforts, officials have so far failed to deter migrants from settling in the city, largely because Beijing still relies on them to be its cooks, couriers and cleaners.

              “They want the horse to run, but they don’t want to feed it grain,” said Zhang Yonghui, a worker in his 30s from Shaanxi who moved to Beijing a few months ago after failing to find work in coal mines. “They’ll get rid of us for a while, maybe for a year, but then quietly they’ll let us back because they need our labor.”

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