主题：<茗谈87>：话说某岛 -- 本嘉明
这个小地方只是美国指使日本干扰中国的棋子而已。不能跟着他的指挥棒走。
从战略上说，中国要打破美国的亚太封锁，早晚要龇牙的，不能怕，要有和美国打一场局部战争的准备。这一场局部战争放在台湾远远好过钓鱼岛。
打台湾法理上，情理上，民心上都远远好过钓鱼岛。台湾离中国更近，在台湾打一场以台湾为对手，日美背后支持的战争，比在钓鱼岛打一场以日本为对手美国背后支持的战争，把握要大很多。打台湾，美国直接出兵干涉也一样可以把它打趴下，而钓鱼岛未必。美国敢来就是丧失对亚太的军力威胁，不敢来同样是在亚太威信尽失。
打下台湾，离台湾不到100海里的钓鱼岛就是碗里的肉，根本无需为钓鱼岛专门准备什么。而且台湾不仅仅是东海破局，太平岛更是南海最好的支点。
对台湾外压内挤，让台湾激化矛盾，就像最近一样，不过不是现在这个时机，我觉得8-10年后吧，这个时机就会成熟。钓鱼岛继续磨着就行了。现在这拨知青领袖，未必没有内部矛盾外部解决的想法，这个和79年有可类比处。
不见得，打越南应该说是老一辈毛周晚年没有时间处理的问题，应该是被美国坑了，美国逃离南越逃得太彻底太速度了，导致北越异常容易的统一南北越，毛周是不同意南北越统一的，理想的状态时两个越南，就像朝鲜半岛；越南坐大这个是任何一个中国政府不能容忍的，毛周晚年内政事情太多没有时间精力去处理这个烂摊子，无论邓上不上台，摩擦无法避免，说投名状那只能是自己水平问题，给美国的投名状已经做过了，那就是中苏69年黑瞎子岛冲突，中美关系改善是从这里开始的；邓其实是利用的美国分解自身压力，减轻中越战争中苏联的冒险举动。
美国空军少将Charles Sweeney，于1995年在美国国会的证词------这是可怜的奥巴马必须复习的小学功课，这个丧失国格的失败者。
Charles Sweeney是唯一参加了两次核轰炸日本的美国飞行员。
中文节译：
我是美国空军退役少将查尔斯斯韦尼。我是唯一一位参加了两次对日本原子轰炸的飞行员，在对广岛的轰炸中担任驾驶员蒂贝茨上校的右座领航员，在对长崎的轰炸中任编队指挥员。
作为唯一曾参与两次原子弹轰炸的飞行员，我将陈述本人亲身经历的往事。我要强调指出，我所陈述的都是无可争辩的事实，而有些人就是无视这些明显的事实，因为这些事实与他们头脑中的偏见不符。
此刻，作为经历了那段历史的人们，我要陈述我的思考、观察和结论。我相信杜鲁门总统做出的对日本使用原子弹的决定不仅符合当时的情况，而且具有压倒其他可能选择的道义上的必要性。像我们这一代绝大多数人一样，我最不希望发生的一件事就是战争。我们这个民族不是穷兵黩武的骑士，我们不渴望那种辉煌。而当我国正在大萧条中挣扎时，日本开始了对邻国的征服----搞什么"大东亚共荣圈"。
法西斯总是打着最漂亮的旗帜去掩饰最卑鄙的阴谋。这种"共荣"是通过对中国进行残酷的总体战进行的。日本作为一个国家，认为自己命中注定要统治亚洲，并由此理应据有亚洲的自然资源和广袤土地。日本屠杀无辜的男人、女人和孩子，未有丝毫的怜悯和犹豫。在惨绝人寰的南京大屠杀中，30万手无寸铁的平民被屠杀。
这是事实。
日本认为美国是阻止其实现在亚洲的"神授"命运的唯一障碍，于是对驻扎于珍珠港的美国海军太平洋舰队进行了精心策划的偷袭。偷袭时间定于一个星期天的早晨，因为此时行动可以最大限度地摧毁舰队实力、消灭人员，给予美国海军以致命的打击。数千名美国水兵的生命湮灭于仍然沉睡在珍珠港湾底的亚利桑那号战列舰里，其中的许多士兵甚至不清楚为什么受到突然袭击就已死去。战争就这样强加在美国的头上。
科雷吉多尔岛的陷落，以及随后对盟军战俘的屠杀，驱散了对日军兽性的最后一丝怀疑。即使是在战时，日军的残暴也是令人发指的。巴丹的死亡进军充满恐怖。日本人认为投降是对自身、对家庭、对祖国、对天皇的污辱。他们对自身和对敌人都毫不手软。7000名美军和菲律宾战俘惨遭殴打、枪杀、被刺刀捅死，或惨死于疾病和饥饿。
这些都是事实！
随着美国在广阔的太平洋向日本缓慢地、艰苦地、一步一流血地进军，日本在最大的程度上显示出它是一台冷酷无情、残暴无人性的杀人机器。无论战事多么令人绝望，无论机会多么渺茫，无论结果多么确定，日本人都战至最后一人。为了取得可能大的光荣，日军全力以赴去杀死尽可能多的美国人。美军开进得距日本本土越近，日本人的行为就变得越疯狂。塞班岛美军阵亡3000人，其中在最后几小时就死了1500人。硫黄岛美军阵亡6000人，伤21000人。冲绳岛美军阵亡12000人，伤38000人。"神风敢死队"驾驶装载炸弹的飞机撞击美国军舰。队员认为这是天上人间至高的光荣。
日本用言语和行动表明，只要第一个美国人踏上日本本土，他们就处决所有的盟军战俘。日本为大屠杀做了准备，强迫盟军战俘为自己挖掘坟墓。即使在投降后，他们仍然处决了一些战俘。
《波茨坦公告》要求日本无条件投降。日本人认为这是荒唐可笑而不屑考虑的。我们从截获的密码得知，日本打算拖延时间，争取以可接受的条件来谈判投降。
8月6日之前的几个月里，美国飞机开始轰炸日本本土，一个个日本城市化为火海，成千上万的日本人死去，但日军仍然发誓决不投降。他们准备牺牲自己的人民，以换取他们所理解的"光荣"和"荣誉"--不管死多少人。他们拒绝救助平民，尽管我们的飞行员事先已就可能来临的空袭投撒了传单。在一次为期10天的轰炸行动中，东京、名古屋、神户、大阪的许多地方化为灰烬。即使在用原子弹轰炸了广岛之后，日本军部仍然认为美国只有一枚炸弹，日本可以继续坚持。在8 月6日之后，他们有3天的时间投降，但他们不。只有在长崎受到原子轰炸后，日本天皇才最后宣布投降。即使在这种情况下，军方仍声称他们可以而且应该继续战斗。一些陆军军官发起叛乱，试图截获并销毁天皇向日本人宣布投降的诏书。
这些事实有助于说明我们所面临的敌人的本质，有助于认清杜鲁门总统在进行各种选择时所要考虑的背景，有助于理解为什么对日本进行原子轰炸是必要的。像每一个男女军人一样，杜鲁门总统理解这些事实。伤亡不是某种抽象的统计数字，而是惨痛的事实。
为什么太平洋战争的历史这么容易就被遗忘了呢？也许原因就存在于目前正在进行着的对历史的歪曲，对集体记忆的歪曲。在战败50年后，日本领导人轻率地声称他们是受害者，广岛、长崎与南京大屠杀在实质上是一回事！整整几代日本人不知道他们的国家在第二次世界大战中都干了些什么，这可以解释为什么他们不理解日本为何要向其受害者道歉。与德国认罪的姿态不同，日本坚持认为它没干任何错事，它的行为是受当时局势的拖累。这种态度粉碎了任何真正弥合创伤的希望。只有记忆才能带来真正的原谅，而遗忘就可能冒重复历史的危险。
经常有人问我，用原子弹轰炸日本是否是出于报复，是否是蓄意毁灭一个古老而令人尊敬的文明。对此有如下事实：一，在最初的轰炸目标清单上包括京都。虽然京都也是一个合法的目标，在先前的空袭中未曾予以轰炸，但陆军部长史汀生还是把它从目标清单中去掉了，因为京都是日本的古都，也是日本的文化宗教中心。二，在战时我们受到严格约束，在任何情况下不得轰炸东京的皇宫，尽管我们很容易识别皇宫并炸死天皇。毕竟我们不是为了报复。
英文原文：
TESTIMONY OF MAJOR GENERAL CHARLES W.
SWEENEY, UNITED STATES AIR FORCE, RETIRED
General Sweeney.:Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee. I am Major General Charles W. Sweeney, United States Air Force, retired. I am the only pilot to have flown on both atomic missions. I flew the instrument plane on the Hiroshima mission, and 3 days later on August 9, 1945 commanded the second atomic mission over Nagasaki. Six days after Nagasaki the Japanese military surrendered and the Second World War came to an end.
Fifty years ago millions of my fellow citizens served our country in a time of national crisis — a crisis which engulfed our panel; a crisis in which the forces of fascism were poised to extinguish the democracies of the world. It was a crisis in which the forces of evil were clearly defined, or at least I thought so until last fall when I read the first accounts from the Air Force Association of the proposed script for the exhibit of the Enola Gay at the Smithsonian Institution.
It was obvious to me that the Enola Gay was being used to advance a theory about atomic missions and the United States' role in World War II that transformed the Japanese into victims and cast the United States as a vengeful aggressor engaged in a war to destroy an ancient culture. My first reaction was, as you can imagine, personal disbelief. I just could not believe that the Smithsonian, an institution whose very name signifies honesty and integrity in the preservation of American artifacts, could be so wrong.
Like the overwhelming majority of my generation I did not want a war. We are not a Nation of warriors. There is no warrior class, no master race, no Samurai. Yet during the years when my generation and our parents were struggling through the Great Depression, the Japanese were engaged in the conquest of their neighbors. That is an unfortunate fact of history. Without the slightest remorse or hesitation the Japanese military slaughtered innocent men, women, and children. In the end, they would kill over 20 million of their Asian neighbors.
The sneak attack on Pearl Harbor, timed for Sunday morning to inflict the maximum loss of ships and human life, thrust the United States into a war in the Pacific whose outcome then was far from certain. Seventeen hundred sailors are still entombed in the hull of the U.S.S. Arizona that sits on the bottom of Pearl Harbor. Many, if not all, died without ever knowing why.
The fall of Corregidor and the resulting treatment of Allied prisoners of war dispelled any remaining doubt about the inhumaneness of the Japanese army even in the context of war.
The Japanese military considered surrender a dishonor to one's self, one's family, one's country, and one's God, and thus they showed no mercy.
This was the true nature of the enemy we faced. This was the reality which President Harry Truman confronted as he considered sending yet even more American soldiers, sailors, and airmen into the horror of the war in the Pacific. Declassified transcripts of the secret codes which we had broken during the war and were available to President Truman and his military advisors underscore the Japanese attitude 50 years ago. The transcripts show the Japanese had no intention of surrendering unconditionally. They were stalling for time and fully prepared to continue to sacrifice their own citizens. And as time passed more Americans died.
The Japanese military was fully prepared to fight on, even after the Hiroshima mission. In fact, even after the Nagasaki mission, some Japanese military leaders were still advocating fighting on.
We know that in a pre-invasion meeting at the White House on June 18, 1945 Admiral William Leahy predicted to President Truman, based on the experience of Iwo Jima and Okinawa, 30 to 35 percent of the 770,000-man invasion force would be killed or wounded in the first 30 days of an invasion of the Japanese mainland. That calculates out to about a quarter of a million American men. President Truman remarked that the invasion would create another Okinawa from one end of Japan to the other; one of the most horrendous battles we ever fought. Now it would be expanded the whole length of Kyushu, the southern island of the four main islands of Japan.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff agreed. General MacArthur's chief surgeon. Brigadier General Guy Dennett, estimated that in the 120-day campaign to invade and occupy only the island of Kyushu, 395,000 casualties would be sustained. For President Truman, for me and for my crew, the probability of so many casualties was not an abstraction but a sobering reality.
The world is a better place because German and Japanese fascism failed to conquer. Japan and Germany are better places because we were benevolent in our victory. The youth of Japan and the United States, spared from further needless slaughter, went on to live and have families and grow old. Today millions of people in America and Japan are alive because we ended the war when we did. This is not to celebrate the use of atomic weapons. Quite the contrary. It is my fervent hope that my mission is the last such mission ever flown. But that does not mean that back in 1945, given the events of the war and the recalcitrance of our enemy. President Truman was not obliged to use all the weapons at his disposal to end the war.
Now, 50 years later after their defeat, some Japanese officials claim they were the victims, ignoring the clear evidence of their own brutality and mind set. Incredibly, how can any American academic support such a proposition, thus aiding and giving support to a 50-year attempt by the Japanese to rewrite their own history and ours in the process. Such an effort to rewrite
这位老飞行员的国会证词有两部分（本帖里是第一部分的下半篇，和第二部分的大部），上个帖子由于字数限制而没有贴全。上篇里的中文节译，主要是本帖里的后半部分。
Now, 50 years later after their defeat, some Japanese officials claim they were the victims, ignoring the clear evidence of their own brutality and mind set. Incredibly, how can any American academic support such a proposition, thus aiding and giving support to a 50-year attempt by the Japanese to rewrite their own history and ours in the process. Such an effort to rewrite history does a disservice to both countries. There is an entire generation of Japanese who do not know the full extent of their country's conduct during World War II.
......
In the end, what would our children and grandchildren think that their country stood for? In trying to understand the reason why the Smithsonian did this I certainly do not get any clue from the stated reason the director gave for canceling the proposed exhibit. As I recall, he said the Smithsonian realized that it had been too ambitious by combining a highly emotional commemorative event for veterans with an historical analysis. This reason is at best condescending to the veterans. I suggest that the forcesbehind the revisionism of our history at the Smithsonian were flat out wrong in their analysis, and they should have said so.
The soul of a nation, its essence, is its history. It is that collective memory which defines what each generation thinks and believes about itself and its country. For this reason the facts must always be preserved. This does not mean debate should be stifled. It does mean that any debate must be founded upon a recognition of all the facts. At the Smithsonian there was an absence of some rather basic facts and a conclusion which was unsupported by those basic facts.
My fellow veterans and I were impelled to ask how could the Smithsonian have been so terribly wrong about the true nature and meaning of the war in the Pacific and the atomic missions? Fortunately, this threat to our national identity was aired out in the open because the proposed exhibit of the Enola Gay was so devoid of factual support. Other historic events may be too subtle to be seen as clearly. Certainly the country was fortunate that millions of veterans of the war, and citizens of the United States who are not necessarily veterans, were still alive to report on what really happened. I might point to one specific class of Americans, and they are the ones whose husbands, sons, loved ones were poised to conduct, to participate in that invasion.
So I come before this committee to ask you as Members of Congress to do all in your power to protect and preserve the integrity of the process by which our national identity is formed and debated. Our history is a precious asset. In a free society such as ours there must always be an ongoing debate about who we are and what we stand for.
The key question, however, is what role is appropriate for the Smithsonian in this ongoing debate and what process is to be employed in making decisions about historic interpretation at the Smithsonian? Of course, this assumes that the Smithsonian should expand its role beyond the preservation and exhibition of significant American artifacts — American artifacts.
The fact that you are holding these hearings is an encouraging sign for many Americans that such an inquiry will prevent future attempts to revise, rewrite, or slant our historical record in any way by any Government-supported agency. I would like to ask this committee to help the American people understand how the decisions as to what history the Smithsonian will display are made. Are these decisions based on ideology or some agenda, or are they the product of careful review and presentation of historical facts?
The issue is not that a group of pesky, aging veterans raised questions about a proposed exhibit. The issue is one of trust. Can the American people trust the Smithsonian ever again to be objective and unencumbered by ideology? This is an important debate and I thank this committee for holding these hearings.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of General Sweeney follows:]
Statement OF Major General Charles W. Sweeney, USAF (Ret.)
I am Maj. Gen. Charles W. Sweeney, United States Air Force, Retired. I am the only pilot to have flown on both atomic missions. I flew the instrument plane on the right wing of General Paul Tibbets on the Hiroshima mission and 3 days later, on August 9, 1945, commanded the second atomic mission over Nagasaki. Six days after Nagasaki the Japanese military surrendered and the Second World War came to an end.
The soul of a nation, its essence, is its history. It is that collective memory which defines what each generation thinks and believes about itself and its country.
In a free society, such as ours, there is always an ongoing debate about who we are and what we stand for. This open debate is in fact essential to our freedom. But to have such a debate we as a society must have the courage to consider all of the facts available to us. We must have the courage to stand up and demand that before any conclusions are reached, those facts which are beyond question are accepted as part of the debate.
As the 50th anniversary of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki missions approaches, now is an appropriate time to consider the reasons for Harry Truman's order that these missions be flown. We may disagree on the conclusion, but let us at least be honest enough to agree on basic facts of the time, the facts that President Truman had to consider in making a difficult and momentous decision.
As the only pilot to have flown both missions, and having commanded the Nagasaki mission, I bring to this debate my own eyewitness account of the times. I underscore what I believe are irrefutable facts, with full knowledge that some opinion makers may cavalierly dismiss them because they are so obvious — because they interfere with their preconceived version of the truth, and the meaning which they strive to impose on the missions.
This evening, I want to offer my thoughts, observations, and conclusions as someone who lived this history, and who believes that President Truman's decision was not only justified by the circumstances of his time, but was a moral imperative that precluded any other option.
Like the overwhelming majority of my generation the last thing I wanted was a war. We as a nation are not warriors. We are not hell-bent on glory. There is no warrior class — no Samurai — no master race.
This is true today, and it was true 50 years ago.
While our country was struggling through the great depression, the Japanese were embarking on the conquest of its neighbors — the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. It seems fascism always seeks some innocuous slogan to cover the most hideous plans.
This Co-Prosperity was achieved by waging total and merciless war against China and Manchuria. The Japanese, as a nation, saw itself as destined to rule Asia and thereby possess its natural resources and open lands. Without the slightest remorse or hesitation, the Japanese Army slaughtered innocent men, women and children. In the infamous Rape of Nanking up to 300,000 unarmed civilians were butchered. These were criminal acts.
THESE ARE FACTS.
In order to fulfill its divine destiny in Asia, Japan determined that the only real impediment to this goal was the United States. It launched a carefully conceived sneak attack on our Pacific fleet at Pearl Harbor. Timed for a Sunday morning it was intended to deal a death blow to the fleet by inflicting the maximum loss of ships and human life.
1,700 sailors are still entombed in the hull of the U.S.S. Arizona that sits on the bottom of Pearl Harbor. Many if not all, died without ever knowing why. Thus was the war thrust upon us.
The fall of Corregidor and the resulting treatment of Allied prisoners of war dispelled any remaining doubt about the inhumaneness of the Japanese Army, even in the context of war. The Bataan Death March was horror in its fullest dimension. The Japanese considered surrender to be dishonorable to oneself, one's family, one's country and one's god. They showed no mercy. Seven thousand American and Filipino POW's were beaten, shot, bayonetted or left to die of disease or exhaustion.
THESE ARE FACTS.
As the United States made its slow, arduous, and costly march across the vast expanse of the Pacific, the Japanese proved to be a ruthless and intractable killing machine. No matter how futile, no matter how hopeless the odds, no matter how certain the outcome, the Japanese fought to the death. And to achieve a greater glory, they strove to kill as many Americans as possible.
The closer the United States came to the Japanese mainland, the more fanatical their actions became.
Saipan — 3,100 Americans killed, 1,500 in the first few hours of the invasion
Iwo Jima — 6,700 Americans killed, 25,000 wounded
Okinawa — 12,500 Americans killed, total casualties, 35,000
These are facts reported by simple white grave markers.
Kamikazes. The literal translation is DIVINE WIND. To willingly dive a plane loaded with bombs into an American ship was a glorious transformation to godliness — there was no higher honor on heaven or earth. The suicidal assaults of the Kamikazes took 5,000 American Navy men to their deaths.
The Japanese vowed that, with the first American to step foot on the mainland, they would execute every Allied prisoner. In preparation they forced the POW's to dig their own graves in the event of mass executions. Even after their surrender, they executed some American POW's.
THESE ARE FACTS.
The Potsdam Declaration had called for unconditional surrender of the Japanese Armed Forces. The Japanese termed it ridiculous and not worthy of consideration. We know from our intercepts of their coded messages, that they wanted to stall for time to force a ne gotiated surrender on terms acceptable to them.
For months prior to August 6, American aircraft began dropping fire bombs upon the Japanese mainland. The wind created by the firestorm from the bombs incinerated whole cities. Hundreds of thousands of Japanese died. Still the Japanese military vowed never to surrender. They were prepared to sacrifice their own people to achieve their visions of glory and honor — no matter how many more people died.
They refused to evacuate civilians even though our pilots dropped leaflets warning of the possible bombings. In one 3-day period, 34 square miles of Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe and Osaka were reduced to rubble.
THESE ARE FACTS.
And even after the bombing of Hiroshima, Tojo, his successor Suzuki, and the military clique in control believed the United States had but one bomb, and that Japan could go on. They had 3 days to surrender after August 6, but they did not surrender. The debate in their cabinet at times became violent.
Only after the Nagasaki drop did the Emperor finally demand surrender.
And even then, the military argued they could and should fight on. A group of Army officers staged a coup and tried to seize and destroy the Emperor's recorded message to his people announcing the surrender.
THESE ARE FACTS.
These facts help illuminate the nature of the enemy we faced. They help put into context the process by which Truman considered the options available to him. And they help to add meaning to why the missions were necessary.
President Truman understood these facts as did every service man and woman. Casualties were not some abstraction, but a sobering reality.
Did the atomic missions end the war? Yes . . . they . . . did.
Were they necessary? Well that's where the rub comes.
With the fog of 50 years drifting over the memory of our country, to some, the Japanese are now the victims. America was the insatiable, vindictive aggressor seeking revenge and conquest. Our use of these weapons was the unjustified and immoral starting point for the nuclear age with all of its horrors. Of course, to support such distortion, one must conveniently ignore the real facts or fabricate new realities to fit the theories. It is no less egregious than those who today deny the Holocaust occurred.
How could this have happened?
The answer may lie in examining some recent events.
The current debate about why President Truman ordered these missions, in some cases, has devolved to a numbers game. The Smithsonian in its proposed exhibit of the Enola Gay revealed the creeping revisionism which seems the rage in certain historical circles.
That exhibit wanted to memorialize the fiction that the Japanese were the victims — we the evil aggressor. Imagine taking your children and grandchildren to this exhibit.
What message would they have left with?
What truth would they retain?
What would they think their country stood for?
And all of this would have occurred in an American institution whose very
name and charter are supposed to stand for the impartial preservation of significant American artifacts.
By cancelling the proposed exhibit and simply displaying the Enola Gay, has truth won out?
Maybe not.
In one nationally televised discussion, I heard a so-called prominent historian argue that the bombs were not necessary. That President Truman was intent on intimidating the Russians. That the Japanese were ready to surrender.
The Japanese were ready to surrender? Based on what?
Some point to statements by General Eisenhower years after the war that Japan was about to fall. Well, based on that same outlook Eisenhower seriously under- estimated Germany's will to fight on and concluded in December, 1944 that Germany no longer had the capability to wage offensive war.
That was a tragic miscalculation. The result was the Battle of the Bulge, which resulted in tens of thousands of needless Allied casualties and potentially allowed Germany to prolong the war and force negotiations.
Thus the assessment that Japan was vanquished may have the benefit of hind- sight rather than foresight.
It is certainly fair to conclude that the Japanese could have been reasonably expected to be even more fanatical than the Germans based on the history of the war in the Pacific.
And, finally, a present-day theory making the rounds espouses that even if an invasion had taken place, our casualties would not have been a million, as many believed, but realistically only 46,000 dead.
ONLY 46,000!
Can you imagine the callousness of this line of argument? ONLY 46,000 — as if this were some insignificant number of American lives.
Perhaps these so-called historians want to sell books.
Perhaps they really believe it. Or perhaps it reflects some self-loathing occasioned by the fact that we won the war.
Whatever the reason, the argument is flawed. It dissects and recalculates events ideologically, grasping at selective straws.
Let me admit right here, today, that I don't know how many more Americans would have died in an invasion— AND NEITHER DOES ANYONE ELSE!
What I do know is that based on the Japanese conduct during the war, it is fair and reasonable to assume that an invasion of the mainland would have been a prolonged and bloody affair. Based on what we know — not what someone surmises — the Japanese were not about to unconditionally surrender.
In taking Iwo Jima, a tiny 8 square mile lump of rock in the ocean, 6,700 marines died — total casualties over 30,000.
But even assuming that those who now KNOW our casualties would have been ONLY 46.000
I ask Which 46,000 were to die?
Whose father?
Whose brother?
Whose husband?
And, yes, I am focusing on American lives.
The Japanese had their fate in their own hands, we did not .
最后这句，我的理解是：日本鬼子死在原子弹下，是恶贯满盈；我们美国士兵没有这个罪孽，凭什么（不扔原子弹而）再死那么多？
他那张单子打击面很广，其中有些网友被屏蔽，大家都不稀奇。
但有些名字，即使按季候的说法，也是比较奇怪的。
比如一些云淡风轻扯些闲篇的女网友，再比如黄河故人。
对黄河故人和你被屏蔽，我有点奇怪，又模模糊糊品出点有些“必然如此”的味道----本老兄也算河内德高望重的老前辈了，对被人无视有何看法呢？
鲁迅先生《加滕先生》一文中有云“你改悔罢！”
本兄可愿改变自己的文风，换更多人的欢心么？
然，对于一个恶行累累的法西斯国家，任何有正义感的人，尤其是受害最烈的中国人，都会觉得“早死早利索”，任何武器其实都是可以接受的。
二战进行到德国投降，苏联把军力投向西伯利亚，准备进攻关东军的时候，投掷原子弹的迫切性，我真看不出其有多迫切的需要。
8月6日9日核爆广岛长崎，而16日，苏军迅速击溃关东军----假如美军不投核弹，对日军采取“围而不打”或仅仅空袭、舰炮攻击对日本各岛进行封锁、分割，然后美苏一起逼日本投降或攻占其本土，对平民的“附带损伤”与原子弹带来的伤亡比，还是有所区别的吧？
我现在还记得很久前看过一个灯谜故事，说日本投降的原因，打一个古人人名。
答案俩个，都对：屈原、苏武。
说早一日消灭日本法西斯，就能把日本人民从暴政中解救出来，为此付出任何代价在所不惜，这个说法，我也认可。
但广岛、长崎是否是为报复珍珠港袭击事件，以及威慑苏联，树立战后霸权地位，还有研发核弹投入巨大，没有“效益”会让人民不满意之类……这些解释，难道说不通么？
至于罗斯福总统当年活着，他一样会下令投弹，这我倒是相信。
他的纪录片给出的答案是：苏武。屈原占的比重很小~~~
纪录片2012年的，某些人鄙视的水果大推荐的。不管别人怎么看，怎么说水果大，我反正是看纪录片看的很high。
纪录片里面有个8 8事件的镜头，在国内好像没怎么有在线放映的，我曾经弄了个链接看了一半好像下面是黑的，不知道怎么了。然后从国外bt网站down下来加射手网的字幕看的。
8-8，连老美的纪录片都说是百人伤亡（hundreds），看来某些民间传闻真是可以休矣。
就凭这个也要回个帖。
据某些人分析说小日本一开始的估计比较乐观，后来才发现搞不定了。
不仅如此，而且我就是从你的头像提取的连接啊。我原来使用过2个头像，一个链接失效了，另一个链接被浏览器报毒（图片而已，其实不可能有毒的，也不知道为什么会这样）。于是简单起见，在河里随便看了几个人的头像，就决定用你的头像，时间大概有2年了。也因此稍稍对你的发言多加注意了一点，哈哈。
大受知识分子认可呢。
我没看的原因，在于总觉得美国人对钓鱼岛。其立场不可能客观。
----而作为劫材，钓鱼岛究竟怎样，历史谁更有正义性，主权要求更合理，我觉得意义不大。
它就是个劫材。
劫材生成后，作为口头上可以争一下，真的想用口舌来拿到手，满盘的棋子们怎么看？
棋手们又怎么看？
但是一直没有抽空好好关注下你，呵呵。
你知道我头像是谁么？如果是80后的话，该知道滴。
就这次碰上了，去年有一阵子我挺忙的没心思来河里。我都是一阵一阵的，最近看气氛还不错，就多待一阵子。气氛不好了，或者我忙了，我就开溜啦~~~
专利费专利费的干活~~~拿来~~~
斯通这个系列很不错，我也是刚看到，现在还有两集没下来呢。。。
关于二战，他的观点大部分相当的客观，并不算愤青，最多只能算个理想主义者吧。他比较大棋的，讲地缘政治的更多，主线是美国和苏联。
所以我没有看法。
而且要不是你告诉我，我不知道有这回事。
我码字，现在就几个原则：
1)尽量没有错别字。
2)要有“干货”，即客观存在的事实，资料/数据。最好有图。
3)大家容易看懂。
4)为自己储存资料(即用“链接”保留一些资料索引，以便日后自己有兴趣的话再挖掘。这里我是把铁手的一亩三分地当作“云储存”来用了，当然大家可以随意看)
5)吸引一些内行来讨论，以便我“偷师”。
这种情况下，有没有“被无视”，是无所谓的。我自己存的小卡片，大家爱看就看，不看也很对啊，浪费时间干什么？现在世界如此功利，马云都说了，你穷是你活该，是你不够钻营------普世真理啊。
谢谢！